All posts by Geoff Trickey

Always Look On The Bright Side Of Life

Have you been asked to complete a Happiness questionnaire yet? Happiness for everyone is apparently the new political currency – so, if you haven’t already you soon will. In 2010, the British Prime Minister announced that subjective wellbeing would be a major government goal; “We’ll start measuring our progress as a country, not just by how our economy is growing, but by how our lives are improving; not just by our standard of living, but by our quality of life,” (David Cameron). A UN resolution of the following year encourages member states to pay more attention to the pursuit of this goal. And launched its World Happiness Report in April 2012.

Of course, similar aims have been addressed in the US constitution since July 4th 1776 with its declaration of the right to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness”. In fact, the debate has to be at least 2000 years old. The pursuit of happiness was also high on the agenda for the philosophers of ancient Greece. Aristippus of Cyrene considered pleasure as the sole intrinsic good and introduced us to Hedonism. All the major religions, of course, also address the happiness issue with aspirations for ultimate bliss in the afterlife and through a joyful life of service and self-sacrifice.

The graphic charts the prevalence of the term ‘happiness’ in printed texts in America since 1800. Can this really mean that interest in happiness has actually been declining? The downward trend is so distinctive that it certainly demands some kind of explanation. Or, is this simply a function of some statistical anomaly? As with any debate about ‘happiness’, there are many reasons why it may be difficult to come to any clear or consensual conclusions.

Happiness Methodology
The methodology of the big players in happiness research, like the Wellbeing Programme at the LSE Centre for Economic Performance (CEP), involves the assessment of ‘subjective wellbeing’ by the use of surveys and questionnaires. CEP considers that happiness can be captured by four questions related to: 1. The individual’s overall satisfaction with life, 2. Whether they considered the things they were doing to be worthwhile, 3. Their recent experiences of happiness, and 4. Their experiences of anxiety.

Within HR and business psychology, the expression of this interest has focused particularly on job satisfaction and employee engagement. The principle methodology is the use of questionnaires and surveys completed by the employees.

There are issues, of course, about subjectivity (what counts as happiness in the mind of any individual) and relativity (compared to what past or recent experiences are they rating the present). There is no consensual definition of happiness, or agreed taxonomy of happiness factors. The challenges for Happiness research are considerable.

Semantics
The fist problem concerns semantics and the sheer breadth of meaning associated with the term. My online thesaurus finds 46 core synonyms for the word ‘happiness’ and a very extensive further vocabulary linked through over 60 other closely associated terms like Bliss, Humour, Comfort, Ease, Ecstasy, Satisfaction, Jubilance, Effervescence, Nirvana, Enjoyment, Exultation, Well-being, Merriment, Luckiness, Optimism and Exultancy. All of this extensive lexicon relates to the concept of happiness and furnishes a wide spectrum of nuanced meanings.

 

Cognitive traps
In his Ted Talk, the Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman states:

“‘Happiness’ is just not a useful word anymore, because we apply it to too many different things… [there] is a confusion between experience and memory; it’s between being happy in your life, and being happy about your life… Those are two very different concepts, and they’re both lumped in the notion of happiness” Daniel Kahneman (2010).

Kahneman describes a series of ‘cognitive traps’ that make happiness very difficult territory to navigate. He argues that it is almost impossible to think coherently about Happiness (his TED talk well worth viewing).

Psychology of Personality

The Positive Psychology movement has provided much of the up-beat momentum behind the current optimism about creating a happier world. Martin Seligman refers to the good life as “using your signature strengths every day to produce authentic happiness and abundant gratification”. This reference to ‘signature strengths’ implicitly recognises that the happiness agenda is unique for each individual. This is an important point; in the search for happiness we do not all set out from the same starting place. We have each been dealt a different hand of cards at the point of conception and, through nurturing, experience and life circumstances, these cards may be either enhanced or diminished in equipping us to meet the life’s challenges.

Some important individual ‘happiness’ related differences are identified by personality research. Measures of neuroticism make a particularly useful contribution. Also referred to as low Emotional Adjustment, it is a personality characteristic that has well understood involvements with both neurological and physiological mechanisms of emotion. It has implications for the way that life is experienced and coped with. It has an obvious influence on the day to day ‘subjective wellbeing’ of individuals. It is associated with strong feelings; passion, anxiety, fear, moodiness, pessimism and self-doubt at one end of the scale and, at the other, calmness, optimism, self-confidence and evenness of temper. Any attempt to address subjective happiness surely has to recognise these individual differences in personality?

PCL

Whilst investigating the relationship between competence at work and job satisfaction, the implications of potential personality effects in measures of happiness have been picked up in our own research at PCL. We were surprised to discover that expressions of job satisfaction may have more to do with the personality of the respondent than with the ‘goodness of fit’ with their work role. We had expected that high competency scores would be associated with greater job satisfaction and that job satisfaction would therefore differ from job to job. The intriguing finding was that those reporting the highest job satisfaction, whatever the job, tended to be well adjusted extroverts.

 

This observation is congruent with the ‘Happy Employee’ concept which differentiates between those disposed to view a challenging job as an opportunity while others are more likely to view it as setting them up to fail (Locke, McClear & Knight, 1996). This is also reflected in our work with Risk Type, differentiating those who are alert to the opportunity in any situation in contrast to those who are more alert to the risk.

It is virtually impossible to know to what extent one person’s experience of happiness equates with another’s but it seems that even in the most awful situations, some will see hope where others will see only doom and gloom. We know too from research into questionnaire design that some people actually prefer to respond ‘yes’ to a question and some prefer to say ‘no’. They are referred to as Yea-sayers or Nay-sayers. Quite literally, the odds are stacked one way or the other before you even ask a question. Asking people whether they are happy, satisfied or engaged in their job is not as revealing as you might think. These ‘response style’ differences illustrate the ways in which personality differences permeate people’s outlook on life.

Any campaign promoting ‘happiness for all’ would be difficult to resist, as would any populist mainstream trend designed to better the human condition. The impulse to sweep aside the irksome detail of scientific discipline to grasp the possibilities offered through refreshing and exciting new lines of thought can seem irresistible and appealingly radical. Promises of savings in public spending are also extremely attractive and support for the happiness campaign has partly been justified by pragmatically economic and political motives; the expected cost of mental health care and loss to productivity.

But the trouble with happiness is how do you pin it down; is it an opinion, a philosophical question, a scientific fact, a belief? To what extent is it cultural, psychological, mental, spiritual, physical or meta-physical? The assertion that ‘if you can’t measure it you can’t manage it’, attributed to the late Peter Drucker, makes an important point. Should we really invest heavily in the idea that we can either achieve objective measures of happiness, or realistically re-deploy already scarce psychological therapeutic techniques and resources on a scale to address issues of national and international unhappiness?

Happiness is a delightful concept of course, who wouldn’t embrace it? But the reasons for unhappiness are innumerable, highly complex, endemic and intransigent. This is not a battle that will be won by optimism and euphoria.

First published on Engage Employee.

The Nature of Performance Prediction

The rhetoric surrounding psychometric personality assessment in a work context often suggests unlikely levels of predictive certainty about job performance.  Somehow, personality assessment has come to be regarded as almost mechanistically predictive of behaviour. It isn’t, it never was, and it never will be. Yet we seem wedded to the idea that a person’s personality choreographs their every move.

The reality is that behaviour is influenced by innumerable external and internal events: from hormones to caffeine intake; from genes to international politics; from brain cells to personal relationships, the seasons or the economy. The range of possible influences on behaviour is virtually infinite, so it’s quite amazing that personality profiles manage to raise any kind of discernible signal above all this noise.

The big difference between the noise and the signal is the solid continuity of personality compared to the random, incidental or situational one-off variables that bombard us from all directions. Stable over an adult working life and capable of highly reliable measurement, personality dispositions have an influence that is very consistent and very pervasive. They trace a firm line through the chaotic hubbub of daily experience. They may sometimes be overwhelmed or blown off course but they are sure to re-emerge once the whirlwind specifics of the moment have passed on by.

We take our personality with us wherever we go; into every meeting, every conversation and every decision. It operates as a persistent force; a bias pulling us towards some options and away from others. The term personality ‘disposition’ captures this perfectly. We are more disposed to do A and less disposed to do B, but we have free will and, taking other things into account, we make our decisions. Patterns in the consistency of those decisions and behaviours may not be immediately discernible to others but, over time, people get familiar with them, recognise them and are able to anticipate choices and preferences. Personality assessment offers a structure for this understanding of a person’s dispositions, as well as providing  a shortcut to it. In telling us what to expect, it predicts what would otherwise take long acquaintance to fully appreciate.  This is the nature of the prediction inherent in personality assessment. It describes a person’s dispositions and, based on that, we make inferences about their behaviour and their potential performance. That works because we generally do best the things that come naturally to us; fighting against our natural dispositions is much harder going.

Performance then, reflects a dynamic relationship between our natural dispositions and our aims and intensions. A personality profile is the best available guide to the particular personal resources we have at our disposal. However, with self-awareness, planning and effort we can manage our limitations as well as our assets, taking us beyond our comfort zone and into wider spheres of capability, effectiveness and influence. This combination of dispositions and self-awareness charts our success and writes our autobiographies.

 

November 2018

Probabilities & Risky Decisions

There can be few fields of human endeavour in which history counts for so little as in the world of finance – John Kenneth Galbraith ‘A Short History Of Financial Euphoria’

Numbers sometimes seem emphatic and inflexible, especially when used to convey complex issues of general interest. They can give a spurious impression of certainty even when they reflect subjective judgements or approximations. Risk estimations are a case in point. Risk ratings may be based on anything from a totally subjective view expressed through a simple risk matrix, through to the complexity of Neural Network methodologies. To make effective use of this variably reliable information, recipients need to be aware of its quality.

Misunderstanding about risk isn’t helped by the fact that there is no transcending standard unit of measurement for it. The cover design on books about risk, which draw heavily on tumbling dice, spinning roulette wheels and chess pieces, give an impression of clear reasoning, simple probabilities and reliably scalable prediction. In fact, risk measurement in the financial world and in Health and Safety has none of those qualities.

There are no agreed standard units of risk; no measurement that can be applied equally to the risk of dangerous roads, the risk in different diets, the risk of air travel, the risk of an investment or epidemic. Risk across its wide spectrum is chaotically quantified in pragmatic and idiosyncratic ways; in terms that reflect the situation and context:

This illustrates the reality that the concept of RISK lacks overall coherence; rather there are many distinct ‘pockets’ of coherence, each with its own focus, methods, measurement and terminology. Insurance, book-making, road safety, health, investment, diet, aeronautics or seismology, for example.

Risk predictions are typically expressed as probabilities, but these are never akin to the ‘classic’ or ‘a priori’ probability, as in the throw of a dice (so ignore the book covers). A priori predictions are true and certain because all the possible outcomes are known and each is equally likely. Their distinctive feature, as every maths pupil knows, is that no matter how many times the penny comes up ‘heads’ the probability of getting the same result yet again is still 50:50. Counting incidents, i.e. what has happened in the past, has no bearing at all on an a priori probability. Yet counting incidents and events from the past is exactly the basis for the probabilities used in predicting all real world risk. This kind of probability is not the same thing at all. For obvious reasons, this can only ever provide an approximate and relatively unreliable estimate. Statistical models and Neural Network methodologies are tools that support the most sophisticated predictions available. Their creators will be highly skilled, very intelligent and able to incorporate wisdom, experience and expert judgement into the writing of their algorithms. Nevertheless, the raw material is always and of necessity, historic data. This situation has been characterised as attempting to drive a car while looking only in the rear view mirror. It’s possible, so long as the road ahead looks like the road you’ve passed, and so long as you draw the right inferences about what is likely to happen. But you’re not going to see what’s coming if it’s something entirely different.

Risk professionals in the driving seat hopefully understand these limitations of risk estimates and remain alert to the completely unexpected. The problem for the rest of us is that numbers carry a lot of weight and authority. Since we deal with such critical matters relatively rarely, and tend to rely on the advice of others, it is our own decisions about finance and safety that are vulnerable to the apparently emphatic risk statements of experts and statisticians.

All of the above focuses on the nature of risk; but what about the nature of those creating the risk or being exposed to the risk? This has increasingly been recognised as a very significant issue, not least by the financial regulators. In addition to the requirement to make the risk involved in any investment or financial product clear to their clients, intermediaries are now also required to take the client’s risk appetite into account. There is an important role here for Risk Type, both to clarify what investments would be appropriate, but also to help the client to better appreciate the implications of their own risk dispositions; how much risk would they be comfortable with?… how would they react if returns fall short of expectation?… how resilient would they be to the ups and downs of the market?… will their highly optimistic outlook get them into trouble?… will their haste and impatience with detail prevent proper scrutiny?… will their anxieties interfere with good decision making? How do they compare to others in these respects? These are all personality issues and these things are all knowable.

Perhaps surprisingly, the human side of the risk equation turns out to be very coherent; significantly more so than the tangled conglomerate that is RISK per se. After many thousands of years of success and survival, homo sapiens has ironed out these fundamentally crucial aspects of human nature. Nature’s answer has been to provide our species with a rich variety of risk dispositions that are complementary to one another, building the formidable ‘Team Homo-Sapiens’. Our species is equipped, in equal measure, with people that are adventurous, carefree, excitable, intense, wary, prudent, deliberate and composed. Every one of them has an important contribution to make. These are the characteristics that shape the driving, investing, road crossing, sporting, purchasing, entrepreneurial, voting behaviour that accounts for the statistics, that feed the algorithms on which risk model building relies.

Maybe it’s a good idea to give greater priority to self-knowledge and insight into the diverse risk disposition of others before trying to master all the problematic complexities and uncertainties of the risk itself?

Review: ‘Risk’, John Adams

This is a really important book that should be required reading for anyone consciously grappling with RISK in any serious way, or in any professional capacity. John Adams sets out modestly but determinedly to seek enlightenment about a subject that everyone knows something about but of which no one has yet given a comprehensive and coherent account. He picks up the baton of ‘RISK’ passed on through the literature of the old masters of sociology and anthropology; the writings of Durkheim, Marks, Malinowski, Parsons, Thompson, Wildavsky and others. He does a wonderful job in challenging the received wisdom and consensus of the last 50 or so years. He dismantles one assumption after another to reveal the serious flaws, contradictions and short comings and limitations of today’s risk management practices.

Through his expositional approach, he helps the reader to discover unexpected fragilities within widely accepted risk metrics and processes. He turns his critical attention to the conceptualization of risk, its definition, research and the debate about professional applications. His critical analysis of the many ways in which risk judgements find expression in people’s behavior at work and in their everyday lives and in social and industrial policies is honest, painstaking and forthright; truly illuminating, often surprising and occasionally shocking. Confidence in once unchallengeable institutions is called into question; not only the banks and insurance companies, but the compliance and safety bodies, international corporations and even the Royal Society. In his journey of discovery he finds fragments of truth, articles of blind faith, distorted logic and bureaucratic gobbledygook that contribute to a disconcertingly confusing picture.

The author doesn’t claim to offer a complete resolution to these issues, but through his concepts of risk compensation, risk thermostat and the positioning of risk as culturally determined, he does a remarkable job of tidying things up. He identifies the main issues and suggests the kind of approach required to continue the task. The author is an academic a geographer and a philosopher applying a creative and enquiring mind to problems that challenged Fyodor Dostoevsky, Max Born and Albert Einstein.

As a personality psychologist, it isn’t surprising that I would see things from a different perspective but there are many ways of conceptualising and interpreting observed behaviour. How people behave and why do they do it is a matter of everyday concern to everybody and we each come to it from our own perspective. Teacher, social workers therapists of all kinds, volunteers in homelessness centres, thoughtful and aware people; all will be observing behaviour and asking themselves ‘why?’. The fact that thoughts and insights can be expressed differently doesn’t necessarily lead to profound disagreement. We are all talking about the same things, the same observations, the same subject matter but in different ways. The source material, behaviour, is the same for every one and the most prominent features of human nature are likely to feature in all those insights and formulations.

Geoff Trickey, March 2018

Behaviour Creates Probabilities; Probabilities Don’t Drive Behaviour

Clare Askew, originally from Sunderland in the UK, boarded a plane bound for Bali at Perth Airport on Sunday 22nd October. This was the city where she had lived and worked since emigrating to Australia many years ago. The Bali trip was very familiar to her. It had become almost a ritualised routine; she would frequently make the short flight as a break from her demanding routine as a psychiatric nurse. However, her happily anticipated return to old haunts in Denpasar was dramatically and horrifically curtailed.

Just as the plane established cruising speed soon after take-off, it began to plummet. The cabin crew were in a state of panic. Although they had just taken passengers on in Australia, all the desperate announcements coming over the address system were in Asian Languages. The only instruction delivered in all the chaos in English, as the oxygen masks were activated, was to ‘brace for impact’. “The panic was escalated because of the behavior of the staff, who were screaming and looked tearful and shocked,” said Clare. According to another passenger, the cabin crew were screaming “Emergency, Emergency” as the plane dropped over 20,000 feet in 11 minutes. Passengers were texting good-byes to their loved ones and saying farewell to those around them.

Improbably, I met Clare later that same day on the beach in Denpasar. Fearing that, after such a traumatic experience, she might never fly again unless she did something about it immediately, she courageously jumped on the next available flight to Bali. Now in possession of the facts, she explained that 25 minutes into the flight, the plane had become depressurised. To save their lives, the pilot had to drop as quickly as possible to 10,000 feet, the level where oxygen masks would no longer be needed. “We were already feeling woozy” she told us.

This incident and the contrast between the traumatic personal experiences of passengers and the official characterisation of this as a low risk event, dramatically illustrates the difference between objective and subjective risk. So far as the Airline was concerned, the pilot was faced with a technical issue for which there was an established protocol. The pilot responded with the appropriate procedure. No one was at risk. Everything had gone exactly to plan. From an objective and statistical point of view the base line probability of dying in a plane crash is 1:1,000,000, yet what Clare and her fellow passengers had been exposed to was far beyond any appetite that they had for risk. Even if they had been intrepid parachute jumpers, fire eaters or fearless roller coaster riders in their leisure time, their risk appetite would hardly have embraced 11 minutes in the antechamber of death. For the most anxious amongst us, that experience would have been life changing.

Apart perhaps from the failure to address English speaking passengers in their own language, this example is not presented in any way as a criticism. It is interesting because, in this incident, the distinction between an objective risk analysis approach is in such contrast with the subjective perspective and the extreme risk tolerance demands imposed on those passengers. Objective statistical methods of risk quantification and prediction are, at root, always based on counting incidents; how many plane crashes, how many people die, the frequency of tsunamis or volcanic eruptions and so on. All this is very necessary and invaluable information in terms of planning, organizational or national decision making, insurance, and other efforts to anticipate trends and maximize advantage or ameliorate, or compensate for any disasters we may face. On the other hand, risk as we experience it is personal and entirely subjective. One person’s exciting experience is another person’s worst nightmare. Where one sees only opportunity, another sees only danger. These individual differences in risk disposition will influence the perception of risk, a person’s reaction to risk and their readiness to take risks. These features will be a distinctive aspect of any individual’s personality. Rather than focusing on ’the risk out there’; any analysis of subjective risk is about the dispositions of the individuals involved and how these influence their decision making.

Consider the following road safety scenario. How dangerous a road is deemed to be will, one way or another, be calculated on the basis of accident numbers. If the result was, for example, 1 in 10,000 vehicle transits, this would be the basis for establishing the risk exposure for any driver using this road. Yet, clearly, there is also a link between driver characteristics and accidents. We know that more accidents involve teen age boys, that tired drivers cause accidents, that driving while using a phone will be a factor, that drinking habits could play a part, that experience, level of concentration, state of mind, impatience, competitiveness, distractibility will all potentially be important. Given all these ‘people’ factors, the probability of involvement in an accident cannot possibly be the same for all those individuals – as well as for the patient, careful, vigilant, defensive, cautious drivers. In fact, all these individual characteristics, on both sides, will have contributed to the current accident statistics.

So, can a road really be inherently dangerous? Obviously, zero drivers equals zero accidents. Isn’t it the behaviour of drivers that creates the statistics in the first place? Statistics don’t shape our behaviour, its the other way around; statistics come after the events. Putting it slightly differently, behaviour drives probabilities, probabilities don’t drive behaviour.

Two points in particular arise from the distinction between objective and subjective risk. The first concerns those managing people within any context where risk behavior and decision making are critical, whether on the shop floor, the office or the board room, they need to appreciate the subjective perspective on risk, its variability and its behavioural implications – the issues are equally important, but very different to those of objective risk assessment. Secondly, for policy makers, researchers, thought leaders or anyone attempting to understand and navigate the labyrinthine complexities of risk, it is necessary to get beyond the objectivity and comfort to be found in numbers and to be prepared to explore subjective risk and human factors. Numbers weald a reassuring but sometimes spurious and overwhelming authority. To many, the complexities of human personality and behavior are deemed to be even more intangible but in fact, because risk dispositions are rooted in personality differences that can be more clearly defined and more readily measured than is often the case with the risk itself. The realities of dealing with risk in our everyday lives as viewed through our subjective risk perceptions will impact on all our decisions and all our actions.

Predictive probability has been at the heart of modern insurance practices since the 17th century. Much risk management also focuses on the probability and likely impact of potentially damaging outcomes. This is an objective statistical heritage that still holds sway over wider risk management practices. The impact on Health & Safety has often been to foster an authoritarian denial of individual differences and, particularly in high risk environments, the conceptualization of personal responsibility as ‘blind obedience’. Even though risk personality is measureable in ways that risk itself is not, these approaches persist in battling against the awkward realities of human nature, rather than recognizing it and working with it.

Risk management practices are changing and increasingly aim to foster greater self-awareness within a climate of mutual respect.  Employees learn where their risk dispositions assist the behaviours expected of them and where behavioural tendencies need to be reined in. This provides a basis for compliance that involves insight, staff development and an individual agenda for personal responsibility.  Get the attitude and behavior right and the statistics will take care of themselves.

 

GEOFF TRICKEY, October 2017

Risk, Danger & How To Cope With The Boom & Gloom

There has been a relentless change over recent years in the use of the words ‘risk’ and ‘danger’, presumably reflecting our preoccupations with the many and varied hazards that we all face daily. First reactions to the accelerating rise in our use of ‘Risk’ might be that we are all becoming increasingly neurotic about the vicissitudes of life. There is some support for this in the findings of behavioral economics which demonstrate that we place a higher value on something that we have (but might lose), than we do on something that we might gain. It seems that loss is more distressing than acquisition is rewarding. The longer we establish security in economic and physical terms, the more it seems that we become concerned about the prospect of losing it – and hence more ‘neurotic’ about risk. But this doesn’t explain why the term ‘danger’ has been in decline over the same period. The explanation for this has to be something to do with the way we use these words hasn’t it?

The word risk seems to have taken on a life of its own. We use it as if it were ‘a thing’ rather than an abstract idea. In fact, risk doesn’t exist at all outside of specific dangers, hazards, disappointments or pit-falls, yet it is often considered rather like an epidemic; something that can be confronted and defeated. We use the term ‘risk’ without necessarily feeling the need to be more specific. The reality is that there is potential risk in everything; everything we do, everything we plan, everything we dream. It is with us from conception, we deal with it every day in one or other of its manifestations (travel, infection, finance, games, engagement with others) and eventually, at the end of life’s journey, we will all succumb to it. The word ‘risk’ is huge in the territory that it covers – everything form hot tea to world war, from a headache to a global epidemic and much, much more. It seems we put it all in the same box and, fed by the media who love a good risk story if they can find one, we fret about it endlessly.

Although in fact a synonym, the word ‘Danger’ is very different. We don’t generalise about it so much.  It doesn’t work in the same ‘portmanteau’ way. The first response for most people would be ‘What danger?’ It is unusual to see a sign in the road saying simply ‘danger’, it would usually be clarified in some way, or at least be made clear by the situation. Whatever it is, we address it, work out what we should do, dispense with it immediately and then forget it.

In contrast, the term ‘risk’ is somehow charged with negativity and foreboding. Is it that we have a collective habit of clumping all risk into one very scary bundle and then getting distressed about it? In fact the doom-laden media crank it up all the time. One recent example of this is the determination to express all health statistics in the form of increments of DEATH. Where once advice stopped at alerting us to the dangers and guiding us towards the healthy options, now it’s all predicated against dubious life expectancy estimates: drink coffee and live longer, eating or drinking today’s demonized consumable will reduce your life by X months or Y years. Worst possible scenario headlines such as, “Unhealthy lifestyle can knock 23 years off lifespan” and alerts about percentage reduction in risk without bothering to report how low the base line for the risk in question actually is; they’re all designed to alarm us.

My advice is to take back control. Forget the papers, tune out of the ‘today program’ at the first sign of doom and gloom (who needs that at the start of the day?). Don’t buy into the over generalized, alarmist notion of an ever-rising tide of RISK; just deal with specific challenges as they arise. Be determined to see the positive; as Eric Idle memorably advised “always look on the bright side of life”. My research tells me that it enhances the quality of life by a gazillion smile units!

 

Geoff Trickey, PCL, July 2017

How much ‘psycho’ is there in psychometrics?

INTRODUCTION

The use of personality questionnaires has increased quite dramatically over recent years. Test development, publication and usage have benefitted considerably from the opportunities provided by the internet: once a process that relied very much on the professional expertise of the psychologists, personality went online in 1999 and the genie was out of the bottle. Now readily accessible on both the test development side and the test user side, a highly competitive marketplace has developed, bristling with a bewildering array of products used by people with very varied levels of psychological insight.

There are positive benefits from this process of commoditization, but there are also concerns. The relationship between personality theory, personality research, test development, test publishing, sales and test usage is now weighted heavily towards the commercial end of that pipeline. The question is: have the links with psychology, the ‘psycho’ element in ‘psychometrics’, been strained almost to breaking point?

 

BACKGROUND

The study of personality has a very long pedigree that is easily traced back to the ancient philosophers. Its mission is close to the most fundamental questions about our existence and about human nature. These are not merely interesting esoteric issues; differing views on personality have considerable consequences. They have a moral dimension too because they influence our understanding of personal responsibility, our beliefs and principles and, by that route, they impact on fundamental ideas about what is right and what is wrong. They also influence public policy. For example, different assumptions about the influence of Nature and Nurture account for fault lines in political and public policy debate about key issues; everything from education to justice, retribution, correction and rehabilitation.

 

HISTORY

The evolution of personality assessment reflects many different schools of thought. Each approach was predicated against the insights of their creators, their understanding of human nature and their definition of personality. Theory preceded measurement. From Galen to Jung, Rorschach to Murray, Cattell to Hogan, personality theory and personality research came first. It provided the platform of distinctive beliefs upon which these thought leaders based their various methods of assessment. These were typically people, prominent in their field, making a major contribution to psychological theory and debate. Their approach to personality assessment was the legacy of a lifetime of enquiry and theoretical development. Their rationale was explicit, reflected in an extensive body of research, in their publications and, of course, in their assessments.

The contribution of psychology towered in its significance over the practicalities of assessment. But there was never consensus. Different theorists argued their case, set out their stall, won adherents to their cause and challenged the status quo – that is how advancement in science works. At the point of delivery, the test user knew and understood what the author was attempting to do. Familiarity with the theory provided the contextual framework for the interpretation of results and the generation of appropriate inferences and predictions.

 

TODAY

When he asserts that “personality theory and personality assessment were separated at birth”, Bob Hogan is alluding to the loss of this connection. All too often the crucial question of ‘what exactly is this personality test measuring’ seems to be taken as a given. Unexplained reference to ‘personality’ just doesn’t cut it.

The nature of personality, its structure, its content and its significance can be conceptualized in so many different ways; are we referring to traits, dispositions, instincts, values, temperament, preferences, attitudes? How influential is it? Can it be changed? Can it be managed? Is it genetic? Is it shaped by learning, by religious belief, by culture by experience? How does it relate to performance in sports or at work? How does it influence a biographical trajectory? What part does it play in personal relationships? Does it shape behaviour? Does it merely reflect the behavioural consistencies of individuals? Is it deterministic or do we have free will?

Even the current ‘gold standard’ of robust Five Factor Model credentials leaves all these questions unanswered. Without an explicit theoretical framework, simply claiming to measure ‘personality’ doesn’t give any clue about what the results actually mean; nor what implications, recommendations or decisions can reasonably be drawn from a test result. Measurement, stripped of theory is ‘dust bowl empiricism’. Its interpretation relies on whatever assumptions the user brings with them.

Somehow, our obsession with statistical analysis threatens to eclipse the primary purpose; that of understanding human nature. Cattell makes an important point:

 

…..lest there may seem to have been overemphasis on statistics – let it be said that ideal prediction and treatment practice requires both psychological understanding … and statistical understanding.

 

Current trends in personality assessment seem to paper over the question of psychological insight. Big data is the extension of this mind set.  Assigning numbers to everyday behaviours, utterances or decisions may tell us something about the people they are attributed to, as do any of our observations of others, but any inferential interpretation beyond the blatantly obvious relies on assumptions about human nature – the issue that it singularly fails to address. Psychometrics without the psychology is just playing with numbers; and numbers without any clear rationale wield a very dubious authority.

 

WHAT SHOULD PSYCHOMETRICS LOOK LIKE?

It’s perfectly acceptable to define personality in different ways and to operationalise those views through questionnaires, gaming methods or big data. What is highly questionable, though, is to purport to measure something for which there is no clear rationale and therefore no clear meaning and no clear implications for decision making. Any survey, word check list, group of statements or questions can be metricated statistically using item analysis, scale development techniques and norm tables. But, for them to have any depth of meaning, they need to have been shaped, from conception through to delivery of results, by the insights of the creator and developed with the specific intention of operationalizing those insights into real world outcomes.

 

GEOFF TRICKEY, January 2018

Making Client Investment Decisions Meaningful

To comply with regulation, financial intermediaries across the world are typically required to take ‘appetite for risk’ into account when assisting with a client’s investment decisions. Risk Appetite is a disarmingly accessible and intuitively meaningful term. But, as with most colloquialisms, pinning down a precise enough definition for operational purposes is not a simple matter. The level of specificity that is sufficient for casual discourse looks decidedly fragile in the context of accountable policy making within a strict regulatory framework. According to an early definition from the UK Financial Services Authority (FSA):

 

Risk appetite is the amount of risk that one is prepared to accept, tolerate, or be exposed to at any point in time.” (2006).

 

A number of assumptions are inherent in this regulatory mission: firstly, that the clients themselves have a clear idea what their risk appetite is and can articulate it; and secondly, that their Financial Advisor will be able to interpret it in terms of product suitability.

 

Problems of communication

Risk measurement is never entirely objective, but underwriters, actuaries and quants seek objectivity in a world of numbers, statistics, mathematical models, and algorithms. In the world of finance, risk is calculated. As intermediaries, Financial Advisors (FAs) understand financial products in similar terms. This statistical approach is referred to as ‘objective risk assessment’.

Individuals, on the other hand, know a great deal about risk from their own life experience. Everyone deals with risk on a minute by minute basis, reacting heuristically and according to their own risk dispositions and there is often a mis-match between what they consider high risk and what the statistics suggest. Individuals perceive risk and react to it differently; we each have our own risk antennae. Dispositions like these are evident in everyday decision making; the way we cross the street, the way we plan our holidays, monitor our expenditure, behave at parties, manage our relationships, spend our leisure time, organise our work, react to unexpected events. There is a consistency amongst all this and, in broad terms, people are predictable in their approach to risk – it will be one of their most prominent characteristics. But this is a very different perspective on risk to the models and algorithms of the financial world. Nevertheless, it is clearly the basis of a person’s risk appetite.  We refer to this more intuitive approach as ‘subjective risk assessment’.

‘Objective risk’, then, is data driven and involves a combination of sophisticated statistics, model making and expert judgement.  ‘Subjective risk’ is risk as we actually feel it, experience it and act on it. Subjective risk is often questioned and criticised because it is at odds with the statistics and calculated probabilities, but this is what a person feels and experiences, this is their risk appetite. These worries and anxieties or seemingly unaccountable daring are in their nature; they cannot just be swept aside as ‘irrational’.

Financial professionals have responded to the regulatory requirement to assess Risk Appetite with a wide and varied range of questionnaires. Naturally enough, these were framed by the industry’s objective approach to risk. Customer engagement in the process is therefore very much on the terms of their advisor and the objective approach to risk that they are familiar with.

Financial Advisors cannot be expected to add coaching psychology to their skill set, but, if the goal is to match investments to the client’s risk appetite, they need an approach that facilitates a better balance between their own professional framework and the risk perceptions of their clients. To add to the complexity, few clients will be able to clearly articulate their own risk dispositions because they operate for the most part at an unconscious level, steered by the heuristic principles and intuitions that they have developed.

The challenge

This is precisely the challenge addressed by Risk Type. This is a framework based on consensual neurology and personality psychology research and it provides a very accessible and easily communicated model that is informative for clients and their advisors.

First and foremost, financial advising helps clients to make good, responsible decisions in the face of uncertainty – decisions in which the client knows the score, both in objective risk terms, and in terms of a grounded and perceptive understanding of their own risk dispositions. Our understanding of decision making is at the core of the Risk Type model.

There are two neurological processes at work in decision making:

 

“Decision-making draws on both the analytical and the emotional systems in the brain”

From “INNOVATION Managing risk, not avoiding it

Annual Report of the Government Chief Scientific Adviser 2014.

 

On the emotional side, every individual falls somewhere between the fearful, pessimistic, apprehensive end of the scale, and the confident, optimistic, imperturbable end. The analytic or rational dimension is about a need for understanding, coherence and certainty. At one end of the scale, people are controlled, conventional, prudent, systematic and deeply discomforted by uncertainty. At the other end, are those attracted to novelty and excitement challenge convention and are open minded, adventurous and unconcerned about details. Again, everyone will fall somewhere between these two extremes.

Psychometric measures, based on the analytic and emotional parameters, confirm that they are independent of each other (Diagram A). Arranged orthogonally, they define the ‘compass points’ for a continuous 360o spectrum of risk dispositions.

Many people will be placed close to an extreme on both scales and the additional four intermediate  Risk Types (diagram B) represent people that are influenced by both the neighboring Risk Types. For example, the Wary Risk Type at the top has two reasons to be risk averse; they are fearful (Intense) and they are troubled by uncertainty (Prudent). Similarly, at the bottom of the compass, the Adventurous Risk Type has two reasons to be risk taking; they are both excitement seeking (Carefree) and they are fearless (Composed).

For practical convenience, then, the 360o gradation of risk dispositions can be segmented into 8 distinct Risk Types reflecting the range of possible combinations of emotionality and rationality. This is the ‘shape’ of subjective risk, or human factor risk. It differentiates people in ways that they recognize, that their colleagues and partners recognize and that provides accurate description of teams, professions and organizations. You are no more likely to encounter one Risk Type than any other because in the wider population, there are very evenly represented. However, within different professions and organizations, the balance of Risk Types can be very distinctive. Risk Type is a remarkably good differentiator and, as the following examples show, it has real life consequences.

Essentially, risk appetite is a consequence of individual differences in personality. For some, risk taking is simply a consequence of being relaxed and easy going and not taking enough care; for others it is their need for excitement that gets them into trouble, or perhaps not adhering to rules, not bothering to plan ahead or research decisions, being impulsive or spontaneous, or just because they like to do things differently. Alternatively, for some, risk taking is more about missed opportunities. They miss the boat because they are inflexible, excessively anxious or troubled by uncertainty; too rule bound to see other possibilities or because they fear failure.

The diagram above gives an indication of the scope and utility of Risk Type and the specific focus for each. Risk Type Compass reports describe the risk appetite of clients comprehensively and in terms that are immediately meaningful. The language articulates a clear and coherent framework from which to consider “the amount of risk that one is prepared to accept, tolerate, or be exposed to at any point in time” (FSA, 2006). Clients appreciate the insights that are brought into focus by this process. They are offered an account that is consistent with personal experience. The model is also very easily assimilated into FA practice. Intermediaries quickly become familiar with the typology and are able to facilitate clients in their decision making. Armed with the self-knowledge afforded by their Risk Type assessment, clients become more than ‘bit part actors’ in the process and are able to contribute and play a full part in the discussions that are clearly all about them.

The FA’s task has often assumed a style of customer education, simplifying the complexities of the market for the benefit of the financially naïve. The typical ‘how would you feel if…’ scenario questions that are so prevalent are not a helpful way to develop client insight. This approach stems from the presumption that the task is to initiate the client in the ways of finance. That is partly true but it is not the crux of the matter. There can be no meaningful discussion without establishing a consensual understanding about the client’s risk dispositions and their implications.  This is surely necessary for both parties if they are going to play their respective parts fully? This is a mutually beneficial process that establishes a purposeful and professional basis for fruitful collaborative relationships.

 

Geoff Trickey, 2018

The Fluid Reality of Staff Deployment

There’s something important about the selection of new staff that those on both sides of that transaction ought to know. No matter who is appointed, they will not do that job in the way that was originally intended, or in the way that it was described, or in the way that a previous person in that post did. Subtly or abruptly, the role will inevitably be refashioned by the new recruit in a way that reflects their talents and their personality dispositions.

Personality dispositions have a persistent influence on the way that we see things and the way that we do things. Homo sapiens are capable of an extraordinary range of behaviours and individually we all have distinctive patterns of drives, preferences and dispositions that constantly push us in particular directions.

In effect, these are personal biases that make some opportunities more attractive than others: the extremely conscientious will tend to work to routine, to be very organised but have difficulty with flexibility and change; at the other extreme, those with a carefree disposition will have difficulty in motivating themselves with routine or repetitive tasks and will want to try different ways of doing things. In these examples, the execution of the role will be pushed in opposite directions; maybe gradually and subtly but sometimes more noticeably and disruptively. Personality dispositions don’t dictate our every move but they do have a very pervasive influence, perhaps best described as broadly predictive rather than specifically predictive.

Of course, the examples above are of extreme dispositions, used because they provide the best illustrations, but in reality these are caricatures. Most people are somewhere between the extremes of personality and the impact of their dispositions on behavior will be less immediately obvious. Nevertheless, they too will make a job their own. This ‘looseness of fit’ inherent in our individual differences creates a chemistry and fluidity that makes the workforce more dynamic. It allows people to complement each other and to fill the gaps between prescribed roles. That’s how it works in an effective team.

This model would predict dysfunctional consequences when the personal demands of a role put too much of a strain on the dispositions of the incumbent – just too much for them to manage. Free will gives us choices but it doesn’t allow us to reshape our individuality. Eventually the cracks in performance will begin to show. Endless training will not solve the problem when the deviation required from an employee’s natural disposition is extreme. Trying to compress any individual rigidly into a tightly defined role and preventing them from expressing their natural talents is likely to be counterproductive, neither enhancing performance nor capitalising on potential.

The influence of personality dispositions has significance for personal development, advancement and redeployment within the organisation. Someone who proves a poor fit for an intended role may become a star performer in another. It is important not to let talent walk out of the door when that person has the potential to fill another space very effectively. This is an argument for personal development policies that can embrace sideways moves, diagonal promotions, job swapping and creative staff redeployment in place of a series of disconnected, narrowly conceived appointments. Surely this is strategy for human capital investment that has to be a winner?

The Nursery Slopes of Risk Awareness

I have just been watching a toddler holding onto the side of her sibling‘s buggy as it is pushed through a busy shopping mall. By appearances, I would say she was maybe 14 months old; certainly a novice walker. Her Mum seems to be preoccupied and in a hurry and the toddler is stumbling but just about keeping her balance as she struggles to keep up. What surprises me is that the child displays zero anxiety. She is almost perpetually on the verge of a tumble, but seems more excited about her achievement than about the risk of a fall. Thinking about it, I can recall my own children at that stage and I’m sure they were similar. Fast forward about six years of child development; picture youngsters scrambling over rocks at low tide while on holiday. While, as an adult, I am ultra cautious as I navigate the slippery rocks and the seaweed, seven and eight year olds seem to skip nimbly from point to point.

I have been the child in both these scenarios. Today, at the other end of the maturity scale, I have become considerably more apprehensive. So here is the question: To what extent is behaviour influenced by our capacity to conceive what the consequences might be; to imagine and anticipate the impact and the pain? Is this a memory bank of personal experiences that we build up, or is it the cumulative result of the dire warnings and frightening cautionary tales that we have been told? Possibly, the toddler has not yet developed an observer perspective or capacity to envision a disastrous consequence, or certainly not to the extent that it would interfere with the immediate thrill and pride of her new accomplishment.

Recently I took a head long dive down a long flight of stairs, scalped myself on the metal edging of the stairs and knocked myself out. I spent the rest of the day in A & E. I have no recollection of it, other than that I was very preoccupied by other things as I entered the stairs. In all of this, like the toddler, there was no apprehension and I experienced no fear, no anxiety, no distress. It just happened. If I think about it now it seems a dramatic and appalling incident, but isn’t this precisely because I am capable of adopting an observer perspective; a capacity to envision or ‘live through’ any disastrous consequence in my imagination?

Drivers, involved in spectacular car crashes report that, in the moments before a now unavoidable impact, there is no fear or apprehension. Even the pain of injury is muted. The difference between watching the YouTube video of Guy Martin’s Isle of Mann TT crash and being Guy in that situation, is clearly an entirely different experience. Participant and viewer perspectives have almost nothing in common. Take away any fear or apprehension and anesthetise the pain and you are closer to understanding how Guy’s greatest concern is whether he can get out of hospital quick enough to get to the starting line for the next race. These two perspectives are really dramatic in their divergence. Our capacity to contemplate, to mentally simulate and to anticipate an experience charges it with very powerful emotions that are completely absent in the
experience itself.

In today’s ‘information society’ we are, as observers or bystanders, schooled in anxiety by an endless stream of scary accident and medical statistics and world wide disaster beamed into our homes through the internet and the media. Like rabbits in the headlight, we don’t know which way to jump next. We live in a society that seems to be more risk averse every day.

risk

This perception is reinforced by the almost exponentially increasing prevalence of the word ‘RISK’ which, according to this Google Books Ngram, is now more than four times as frequent in print as it was at the beginning of the last century and until 1970’s.

It seems that the innate story building capacity that is uniquely human and that is such an important influence in mediating our ideas, aspirations and our greatest achievements may also leave us exposed to anxiety overload in an era of a rampant communication bombardment; feeding us endless danger signals about matters over which we often have absolutely no control. In effect, the media world has established a huge market in anxiety. Anxiety sells newspapers and news footage and drives “which party can make you most anxious” political campaigns. Then there are all the horror films and those suspense raising, tension building “24” derivative boxed sets of on demand TV. We, the consumers, are the anxiety junkies that are hooked on it all. These are serious issues that pose an existential threat to our well being and to our quality of life.

If we cannot address the anxiety provoking issues endlessly paraded past us, we can at least try to reduce our exposure and our dependence. Our only recourse is to chill out and turn off, or to get out there and become a doer rather than a spectator. As a doer, we tap into the positive vibe of achievement experienced by the toddler in the shopping centre. Doing makes us feel more grown up and in command of our situation.

Geoff Trickey
September 2016